Swadeshi Movement (The Beginnings of Student Unrest in South India)

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Preface Student unrest has become a global phenomenon today. The dictum equally applies to all countries, developed, under- developed, or undeveloped, Communist or non-Communist, whether following a multi-party system of government or a single party system. Student power, of late, has attained such a significance that the daily news media hardly appear without an item on the spark of student revolution somewhere in the world. In order to arrive at a proper understanding of this multi-dimensional problem, one must be a bit of a sociologist, an educationist, a political scientist, an economist, a historian, a philosopher, a social psychologist and a cultural anthropologist. Lack of proper interpretation from any one angle may lead to improper or inadequate diagnosis. Materials on this topic are in abundance in the shape of reports, pamphlets, memoranda, research papers and articles. In many countries, India in particular, student unrest is a present phenome- non with a past. Student activism in India, unlike many western countries, has a fairly long history. It began as a reaction against the unpopular British policies on Indian education. When the Indian reaction to the British rule in India developed into an anti-colonial movement, the leaders of that movement tapped the resource of student power at various stages of its development. The glorious role the students had played in the struggle for Indian freedom has not been properly honoured after the attainment of independence. The power-hunger politicians, in their efforts to perpetuate their sway, conveniently neglected the need for restructuring the decayed system of Indian education, for which they were clamouring for years during the alien rule. The students, thus left out, were forced to retain their role in the opposition to the government, irrespective of their party affiliation. Student activism during the day of anti-colonial movement was value-oriented, but to a large extent the same has degenerated in post-independence India. Materials in regard to the student agitation in the post-independence days are in abundance. They analyse the causes and remedies of the student unrest. The inferences thus arrived at in one way or the other, are only a cluster of confused arguments. The interpreters hardly knew the fact that the student movement in India was a phenomenon with a history, and some of those who knew this hardly realised its significance. The policy makers failed to utilize the student power to the advantage of the nation. For the realistic understanding of the problem of student unrest one must search for its historical roots. Except for an attempt made by Philip G. Altbach, in his Student Politics in Bombay, and a few other works, the subject remains rather unexplored. The purport of this thesis is, in more than one way, to trace the story of student unrest from its very advent.

The divergent ideologies held, and the methods of agitations used, by the fighters for Indian freedom are being interpreted from different angles. Even though the role that the students played in the freedom struggle was significant, it could find a place only in the foot-notes and passing references in the writings on that subject. A proper study on this aspect will help writers on the Indian freedom struggle to arrive at new conclusions and offer new interpretations. Informative material in regard to this topic, preserved in the different repositories of the government, has offered a fertile field for research work. Though the subject is of an all-India importance, the choice of the title, restricting its scope to the role of students in the South, was made for the sake of a deeper their sway, conveniently neglected the need for restructuring the decayed system of Indian education, for which they were clamouring for years during the alien rule. The students, thus left out, were forced to retain their role in the opposition to the government, irrespective of their party affiliation.

Student activism during the day of anti-colonial movement was value-oriented, but to a large extent the same has degenerated in post-independence India. Materials in regard to the student agitation in the post-independence days are in abundance. They analyse the causes and remedies of the student unrest. The inferences thus arrived at in one way or the other, are only a cluster of confused arguments. The interpreters hardly knew the fact that the student movement in India was a phenomenon with a history, and some of those who knew this hardly realised its significance. The policy makers failed to utilize the student power to the advantage of the nation.

For the realistic understanding of the problem of student unrest one must search for its historical roots. Except for an attempt made by Philip G. Altbach, in his Student Politics in Bombay, and a few other works, the subject remains rather unexplored. The purport of this thesis is, in more than one way, to trace the story of student unrest from its very advent.

The divergent ideologies held, and the methods of agitations used, by the fighters for Indian freedom are being interpreted from different angles. Even though the role that the students played in the freedom struggle was significant, it could find a place only in the foot-notes and passing references in the writings on that subject. A proper study on this aspect will help writers on the Indian freedom struggle to arrive at new conclusions and offer new interpretations. Informative material in regard to this topic, preserved in the different repositories of the government, has offered a fertile field for research work. Though the subject is of an all-India importance, the choice of the title, restricting its scope to the role of students in the South, was made for the sake of a deeper analysis of a wider problem.

Foreword India's struggle for freedom is a subject that has been widely researched. Thousands of books have been written on the different aspects of this single theme, but still there is scope for fresh attempts on a regional level. This book is a sincere endeavour to throw new light on a much neglected but very important phase of the freedom struggle in south India. I am glad to note that Dr. Sankaran Nair has succeeded in converting a local theme into a national one. This is a task in which most historians fail. I welcome this book because of the novelty of its theme and the wider perspective shown by its author.

In 1905, Bengal was divided into two separate provinces. The origin of the partition idea lies in the Orissa famine of 1866, when it was felt that the province of Bengal was so big that in times of emergency it was very difficult to pay attention to the outlying areas of the province. In 1874, a few Bengali- speaking districts were transferred from Bengal. Even then, the crisis posed by the large size of the province of Bengal loomed large. But the bold step to manage the situation was taken up by Lord Curzon who, in June 1903, prepared an exhaustive Minute on the territorial redistribution of India. Efficiency of administration, unification of the Oriya-speaking population under a single administration, development of Assam, and the like, were cited as the rationale behind the partition. The proposal for partitioning Bengal was officially published in January, 1904. Swarms of small boys in the Dacca streets, carried with them placards bearing the words "Do not turn us into Assamese", and the street walls were filled with slogans such as "Pray, Do not sever Bengalis", "Do not divide us", "Do not flout history and nationality". Lord Curzon ignored the writings on the wall and moved ahead to carryout his scheme, only to see it annulled on 12 December 1911.

A crisis, it is said, brings out, individually or collectively, the best in men and even the worst as well. In partitioning Bengal, it was publicised, Curzon had only administrative. motives. But beneath this seeming earnestness it was found that he had also some ulterior motives such as undermining the prowess of the Bengalis and curtailing the importance of the Calcutta city as the centre of national activities. Also, he wanted to drive a wedge between the Hindus and the Muslims and to break the solidarity of the Bengali-speaking people. While Curzon stuck to his proposal, the people of Bengal began to strike vehemently against it. The Bengalis took the cause so dearly and daringly that the courses that they followed brought them to a stage from where national politics went further with no returning.

During the course of the Swadeshi movement in Bengal, Bipin Chandra Pal, like a victorious general, undertook a propaganda tour, in the first five months of 1907. From April 12 to May 9, he covered south India and delivered inflammatory speeches at Vizagapatam, Vizianagaram, Cocanada, Rajah- mundry and Madras, on boycott, swadeshi, swaraj and national education. Bipin Chandra Pal's speeches had tremendous impact on south India. No wonder, the Sedition Committee Report of 1918 held him responsible for the wide-spread unrest in south India resulting in various trials in 1908, notably of Subramonia Siva and V.O. Chidambaram Pillai. The triumph of Pal's speeches found expression in the sudden change in the behaviour of the student community, pushing them into anti- British activities. The student unrest in the Rajahmundry College, and the Cocanada riot, served as the epicentre of extremist politics in south India.

Introduction About Swadeshi and the awakening among the students in the south in his work Mr. Sankaran Nair has gone into great many details.

The feeling of Nationalism manifested itself in the country right from the middle of the 19th century or even much earlier than the advent of the British if it comes to that. The Zamorin of Calicut faught the Portuguese at the end of the 15th century and soutgh the co-operation of the kings of Cochin and Kalastri in this regard. The Portuguese were not allowed to have colonies on the Malabar Coast and were driven further north upto Goa. When the British acquired possession of the Carna- tic, Palegars or chieftains like Veera Pandya Catta Bomman in the farther south, western Palegars as of Venkatagiri, Kalastri and Carventinagaram and other Palegars of the Cuddapah region fought the British. Though their personal interest was involved in the struggle they fought mainly to drive away the foreigner who was turning from a trader into an administrator. There were a number of uprisings and the fight of 1857 stands out very prominent but was not organised country wide.

As the struggle continued, the very youth who got English education began showing contempt for the British rule in India. This was more evident in Maharashtra and later in Bengal and other places. Those who went out as students turned out to be the very people who started various Indian associations abroad. Leaders like Krishna Varma, Bhika ji Cama, Savarkar and Bapat guided them, and supplied them with rature, booklets and leaflets to be smuggled into the country. Princely states like Baroda played an important role in this. Leaders like Tilak encouraged students to study advanced Chemistry in Japan and other countries. Paris and London were the most important centres for such activities. A guide book for bomb-making was smuggled into the country. Originally this seems to have been translated from Russian to French and then into English. Both the French and English versions were smuggled into the country and copies of these are available for reference. Manuscript copies seem to have passed hands to Maharashtra, Punjab, Bengal and the South. All the bomb cases either at Tinnevelly. Manicktola, Nasik or Tenali reveal that the same material including picric acid was used and the same method was followed in bomb-making. Students and youngmen were involved in these activities.

Secret societies were formed in all the areas and were again in the hands of youngmen whose target of attack were mostly British officers. Cases were launched and judgments given expelling students from colleges, suspending or debarring them from studies and jobs. Among the victims in the Rajahmundry area most important youngmen were Gadicherla Harisarvot- tama Rao and J. Ramachandra Roa. The years immediately following 1905 were very eventful and Bepin Chandra Pal's Visit to the south was very significant as his message went straight to the students.

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