The Clash of Cultures (Productive Masses Vs Hindutva - Mullah Conflicting Ethics)

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The whole world knows that the center pin of Hindutva ideology is Brahmin- ism. After a careful study of Indian Islamic history I came to a conclusion that the Hindutva's strength comes from the anti-reformist Mullahism of Indian Islam. Mullahism, is as communal and conservative as Brahminism is. Both Brahminism and Mullahism are also anti- production schools. Like Brahminism, Mullahism combined with feudalism took Muslim women out of agrarian pro- duction with a cultural control over their mental and physical faculties. All human societies develop only when men and women work in the production fields without any fear. More than half of Muslim men do not work in any pro- ductive field because of their prayer centered life and anti-production values. We all know that never in Indian history Brahmin and Ksatriya men put their hand to the plough. All their women were not allowed to do agrarian work as that work was defined as pollution. All these forces forgot that the food for the stomach was/is coming from agrarian fields. That food is a byproduct of the Shudra/Dalit/Adivasi labour power. They were drawn into communal riots and fights. They suffered most in this process of communal conflicts and spiritual political battles. India as a nation is getting stagnated because of such anti- labour spiritualism of both Brahminism and Mullahism. For the first time this book addresses some of these questions.

Kancha Ilaiah Shepherd is Former Director, Centre For the Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy, Maulana Azad National Urdu University, and Former Head Department of Political Science Osma- nia University, Hyderabad. He has been in social activism and writing in English and Telugu for more than forty years. His Ph.D. thesis later published as God As Political Philosopher Buddha's Challenge to Brahminism has re-framed discourse on ancient Indian political thought. His Teenmurthy fellowship project book The Weapon of the Other--Dalitbahujan Nationlist Thought and Ideology has re-posi- tioned the debate on caste and nationalism. His book Turning the Pot, Tilling the Land- Dignity of Labour in Our Times is first of its kind on dignity of labour. His Untouchable God a novel unravelled caste culture in fiction. His well known books Why I am Not a Hindu, Post- Hindu India, Buffalo Nationalism have played a critical role in shap- ing Shudra/OBC/Dalit discourse in India and abroad.

Brahminism and Islamism have become bitter enemies after demolition of Babri Masjid in 1992. Brahminism took revenge against the Indian Islamic culture by deploying the Shudra and Dalit muscle power and now it is in control of political power at Delhi with a total grip on the productive masses of India. One is not sure what it can do to Muslim Mullahism, which believes more in Heaven (Zannat) than in Earth. But it can exploit and control the Shudra/Dalit/Adivasi forces for a long time even in future with the modern cultural agenda. The Shudra/ Dalit/Adivasis never waged a cultural war against Brahmanism.

Brahminism is older than Islamism. Brahminism lost power to Islamism for centuries. It lost power to the British. But it has been in control of the Shudra/Dalit Adivasi masses for millennia. Brahminism was in control of them during the Muslim rule and the British rule. But so far the Shudra/Dalit/Adivasi forces never established their control over Brahminism. If there is a cultural war between Brahmanism and Islamism who wins? We do not know. Globally speaking Islamism is bigger and stronger. But Brahminism is more cunning. It can make the Shudra/Dalit/Adivasi masses cannon fodder in the name of 'We Are All Hindus'. Hinduism as a religion actually never belongs to the Shudra/Dalit/Adivasi productive masses.

The name Hinduism is a mask for Brahminism. Both Brahminism and fundamental Islamism Mullahism-have no discourse around food production. The central philosophical foundation around which the Shudra heritage from the days of building Harappan civilization, sustained this country's economy and life is facing a crisis because of constant cultural conflict between Brahmanism and Islamism. This book looks at the cultural life of food producers and anti-production cultures of Brahminism and Islamism through various articles that I wrote in newspapers, magazines and websites. After my book Buffalo Nationalism, a collection of first phase articles in popular English media influenced many aspects of national discourse, this is the second such volume.